Red Meat Republic: Difference between revisions
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== Paternalism == | == Paternalism == | ||
"Americans had once deemed much of the trans-Mississippi West the Great American Desert, a place devoid of agricultural possibility. But early cattle-raising experiments inspired Americans who hoped to occupy the plains. Ranchers could put the Great American Desert to use. Their distinction between this productive use and the '''allegedly backward practices of the societies that previously occupied the Plains would provide a kind of justification for the violence on which the cattle-beef complex rested. The stories of ranchers and hunters told themselves and others were as much a tool of conquest as their rifles."<Ref>https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs</Ref> | "Americans had once deemed much of the trans-Mississippi West the Great American Desert, a place devoid of agricultural possibility. But early cattle-raising experiments inspired Americans who hoped to occupy the plains. Ranchers could put the Great American Desert to use. Their distinction between this productive use and the '''allegedly backward practices of the societies that previously occupied the Plains would provide a kind of justification for the violence on which the cattle-beef complex rested. The stories of ranchers and hunters told themselves and others were as much a tool of conquest as their rifles."<Ref>https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs</Ref> | ||
<Blockquote>As a result, '''solutions to the "Indian question" often took the shape of forcibly managing land on behalf of Indian polities, or the American government ignoring treaty terms because the agreements were not in what officials deemed the Indians' best interests. It was no coincidence that these measures often favored cattle ranchers. Bureaucrat Joseph Nimmo advocated shrinking reservations to not only "put [residents] in the way of becoming civilized," but also because "nearly all the area which will thus be thrown open to white settlements consists of good grazing land'''..."<Ref>https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs</Ref></Blockquote> | |||
== Red River War == | == Red River War == | ||
Revision as of 03:59, 16 April 2023
Summary
Red Meat Republic does the heavy work of grounding abstract cuts of meat in material historical analysis of how the Cattle-Beef Complex came to be and how capitalism, genocide, land theft, and the Cowboy mythology played a pivotal role in its proliferation across the country.
Introduction
The expansion of cattle ranches across Turtle Island was anything but an inevitable result of technology and progress nor was it a restoration of the natural order of ecosystems. The expansion of industrial meat production was driven by the self-interest of meatpacking plant owners, cattle ranchers, and other corporate owners who would benefit from industrial food production.
Before the industrialization of meat production, a different transformation first took place, a transformation of genocidal proportions. Cattle ranching in the west would serve as a justification to steal even more Indigenous land and cattle ranchers directly collaborated with the US military supplying them food, accompanying them on raids against Indigenous Nations, and organizing army expeditions.
The profits that accompanied cattle ranching encouraged further settlement on Indigenous land and replaced the natural system of relations between Indigenous persons and Bison with uniform monoculture cattle ranches. First the mass genocide of Bison would take place destroying many Indigenous Nation’s main food source causing dependence upon the united states government for food rations.
Cow's Labor
Part of the reason cows have become industrialized is their ability to perform labor: "It was their ability to feed themselves on the range that was the origin of much of their value, meaning they were even performing a kind of labor."
Cattle Kingdom
The mythology of the frontier and individualism helped cultivate a narrative about "civilizing" "untamed" land and people (Indigenous Persons) and through this mythology mass genocidal violence, displacement, and theft of land was justified in part due to cattle ranchers and the land they needed to raise cattle. Cattle ranchers would play a vital role in the expansion of the american empire into the Midwest prairies and further west past the Rocky Mountains.
"The tale of ranchers taming the West fits neatly into this larger narrative, as the "cowboy and Indian" trope in film, music, and literature attests. Advertisements and promotional material for the been industry still trade on this imagery, whether through expansive images of western plains or stylized depictions of cowboys and the old West."[1]
Post Civil-War
The end of the American civil war brought "the expansion of settlement, the spread of railroads, and the rise of the commercial bison hunt, transforming simmering conflict between settlers and the Plains Indians into formal warfare. Armed with the logistics strategies and warfare techniques pioneered during the Civil War, generals like William Tecumseh Sherman and Philip Sheridan confined the plains Indians to reservations. By the end of this process vast expanses of newly available grazing land would be immortalized as the "open range." Ranchers would spread hundreds of thousands of cattle over seemingly limitless grassland. The open range is often romanticized as untouched by human hands or industry; in reality, it was produced by the violent exclusion of people and bison."[2]
Chapter one: War
Indigenous Nations who lived in the great plains had lived in symbiotic relationships with horses and buffalo for hundreds of years. By 1876 this way of life was being increasingly threatened by genocidal American soldiers. Genocide and displacement of these Nations was perpetuated by what was then called the Cattle Kingdom, which resulted in
the destruction of the Plains bison herds, and the fracturing of the societies that lived off their hunt. Cattle ranchers and bison hunters, supported by the US military, fundamentally reshaped the Great Plains, expelling American Indians from western lands and appropriating that land for use by white settlers and ranchers.[3]
The Indian Wars
Paternalism
"Americans had once deemed much of the trans-Mississippi West the Great American Desert, a place devoid of agricultural possibility. But early cattle-raising experiments inspired Americans who hoped to occupy the plains. Ranchers could put the Great American Desert to use. Their distinction between this productive use and the allegedly backward practices of the societies that previously occupied the Plains would provide a kind of justification for the violence on which the cattle-beef complex rested. The stories of ranchers and hunters told themselves and others were as much a tool of conquest as their rifles."[4]
As a result, solutions to the "Indian question" often took the shape of forcibly managing land on behalf of Indian polities, or the American government ignoring treaty terms because the agreements were not in what officials deemed the Indians' best interests. It was no coincidence that these measures often favored cattle ranchers. Bureaucrat Joseph Nimmo advocated shrinking reservations to not only "put [residents] in the way of becoming civilized," but also because "nearly all the area which will thus be thrown open to white settlements consists of good grazing land..."[5]
Red River War
Sioux Wars
The "Indian Problem"
"Cattle raising was a central part of remaking the West and a foundation of US power there. Treasury Department official Joseph Nimmo observed in 1885 that the "range-cattle business has also been perhaps the most efficient instrumentality in solving the Indian problem. ... By this means a vast area, which, but a few years ago, was apparently a barren waste, has been converted into a scene of enterprise and of thrift." From Texas to Montana, the cattle-beef complex and the American state were co-evolving."[6]
Origin of Commodities
The story of ranching and the Indian War did not end the initial wave of conquest and land expropriation; the US government's solution to what it considered the ongoing problem of Indian peoples-- namely, the reservation system-- would prove an enormous boon for ranchers. The US government's method of Indian pacification, through a conscious targeting of the means of subsistence--the Bison-- as well as by confining American Indians to reservations, created a population dependent on government-supplied rations. Ranchers found contracts to provide these rations extremely lucrative, and at times used them as an outlet for otherwise unsalable meat.[7]
"For bureaucrats and the public, the sight of impoverished American Indians accepting the government-issued cattle and then slaughtering the animals -- a "brutal and brutalizing spectacle" according to one contemporary newspaper -- confirmed their view that Indian social and political collapse was a consequence of degenerate culture. Cultural explanations for what was then known as the "Indian question" relied on characterizations of American Indians as either criminals or children. Descriptions of beef handouts, with their emphasis on both savagery and abjection, supported both views."[8]
Cattle Ranchers and the US Military
Cattle-Beef Complex
... Western ranching was about scattering cattle far and wide on marginal land, and this required remaking the Great Plains as an ecosystem as well as a political space... I argue that the cattle-beef complex depended on land expropriation through both deliberate government policy and independent rancher effort. This expropriation was part of a wrenching process of transforming the Great Plains ecosystem from a grass-bison-nomad system to a grass-cattle-rancher one. The violence of Indian War-- Romanticized and re-imagined as the against-all-odds struggles of early ranchers-- created the cattle-beef complex's foundational myths.[9]
Sources
- ↑ https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs
- ↑ https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs
- ↑ https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs
- ↑ https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs
- ↑ https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs
- ↑ https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs
- ↑ https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs
- ↑ https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs
- ↑ https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc77mqs