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(2) they tell essentially the same story, yet one that is specific to a particular coastal
(2) they tell essentially the same story, yet one that is specific to a particular coastal
geography.
geography.
Had stories been found in just one small part of the Australian coast, told by only a few
Indigenous communities, then one might suspect they had their roots in a single event, possibly
even one that was imagined rather than based on observation. Similarly, if stories differed
significantly in their key detail (perhaps the number of those involving inundation equalled by the number recalling coastal emergence from sea level fall) then one would rightly question whether any meaning could be attached to the corpus of stories. Yet no stories are known that talk of the sea level falling and exposing coastal lands.


If it is true, that Indigenous histories record when the ocean rose across the various parts of the continental shelf to which they refer, then it is possible to assign ages to each story by plotting the minimum and maximum water depths derived for each against postglacial sea-level changes.
If it is true, that Indigenous histories record when the ocean rose across the various parts of the continental shelf to which they refer, then it is possible to assign ages to each story by plotting the minimum and maximum water depths derived for each against postglacial sea-level changes.

Revision as of 02:29, 14 January 2023

History

Sea Level Rise (postglacial)

Based on oral traditions gathered at least 21 locations in mainland Australia, cross-referenced with geological data, Indigenous transmissions of coastal drowning are likely to recall the effects of postglacial sea-level rise more than 7000 years ago.

The most compelling arguments for the authenticity of these 21 stories is that (1) they come from almost every part of the Australian coast; and (2) they tell essentially the same story, yet one that is specific to a particular coastal geography.

If it is true, that Indigenous histories record when the ocean rose across the various parts of the continental shelf to which they refer, then it is possible to assign ages to each story by plotting the minimum and maximum water depths derived for each against postglacial sea-level changes.

Postglacial sea-level rise must have had a massive impact on the social lives of Aboriginal coastal dwellers. Within 12 000 years, greater Australia lost 23 per cent of its landmass, about 85.5 per cent of which might have been occupied Generation after generation must have had to renegotiate land tenure arrangements with inland neighbours, and make stay-or-go decisions about island/lowland clan estates. So while the noteworthiness of slow inexorable sea-level rise might appear to pale against sudden flooding events, Australian Aborigines must have lived with high levels of awareness that inundation was taking place, and had been so for a long time.

After the sea level stabilised 6000–4000 years ago, what would be the motivation for continuing to tell sea-level-rise stories? In the formation of land sovereignty, complex land-naming and land-relating processes become inculcated in ritualised ways within a corpus of traditional knowledge, and are usually explicit in rite-of-passage ceremonies as evidence of claims to land. For example, one plausible explanation for the Indindji people of coastal Queensland continuing to tell the story of Mudaga, the island named after the pencil pines that once grew on it -- for thousands of years after it was no longer visible -- is if that story were part of an explicitly taught package of stories inherited through land-owning Indindji patrilines. For the existence of Mudaga, even submerged, constitutes evidence of knowing one’s country, and thus establishing one’s relationship with that country. Without such ritualised framing, the transmission of such stories across perhaps over 100 generations would seem to be implausibly vulnerable to chance link-breaking.

[1]

Deforestation

In 1847, George Perkins Marsh delivered a now well-known speech in 1847 to the Agricultural Society of Rutland, Vermont, in which he claimed that

“Climate itself has in many instances been gradually changed and ameliorated or deteriorated by human action... the draining of swamps and the clearing of forests perceptibly effect the evaporation from the earth, and of course the mean quantity of moisture suspended in the air. The same causes modify the electrical condition of the atmosphere and the power of the surface to reflect, absorb and radiate the rays of the sun, and consequently influence the distribution of light and heat, and the force and direction of the winds” [2]

Sources

  1. Patrick D. Nunn & Nicholas J. Reid (2016) "Aboriginal Memories of Inundation of the Australian Coast Dating from More than 7000 Years Ago," Australian Geographer, 47:1, 11-47, DOI: 10.1080/00049182.2015.1077539
  2. Ian Baucom and Matthew Omelsky: "Knowledge in the Age of Climate Change"