Decolonization: Difference between revisions
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= 'Decolonization Is Not a Metaphor' = | = 'Decolonization Is Not a Metaphor' = | ||
<Blockquote>... Tuck and Yang intervened into the way decolonization is taken up within the field of education. They argued that educational projects that use the language of decolonization to describe their social justice endeavors participate in settler moves to innocence. Settler moves to innocence rescue settler futurity instead of fostering actual decolonization, which Tuck and Yang define as the repatriation of Indigenous land and life. <br><br> | |||
“Decolonization is Not a Metaphor” has become a touchstone for scholars and practitioners of decolonization because it maps the many ways that decolonization is constantly evacuated of its true meaning and intention, which results in the preservation of settler colonialism and consequent deferral of the repatriation of Indigenous land and life. It seems that one of the main contributions of “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor” has been its articulation of what decolonization is not: it is not a metaphor to be taken up within existing settler agendas for liberal, progressive, or radical politics that do not challenge ongoing settler colonialism. If settler-initiated projects do not advance the repatriation of Indigenous life and land, Tuck and Yang remind us, these projects cannot be called decolonial; they are nothing more than settler moves to innocence that keep colonial relations and settler privilege intact.<Ref>Yazzie M, Risling Baldy C. Introduction: Indigenous peoples and the politics of water. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society. 2018;7(1):1-18. http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/19298692/v07i0001/1_i.xml.</Ref></Blockquote> | |||
== Land Back == | == Land Back == | ||
Revision as of 22:35, 10 July 2023
Summary
Revolutionary Optimism
'Decolonization Is Not a Metaphor'
... Tuck and Yang intervened into the way decolonization is taken up within the field of education. They argued that educational projects that use the language of decolonization to describe their social justice endeavors participate in settler moves to innocence. Settler moves to innocence rescue settler futurity instead of fostering actual decolonization, which Tuck and Yang define as the repatriation of Indigenous land and life.
“Decolonization is Not a Metaphor” has become a touchstone for scholars and practitioners of decolonization because it maps the many ways that decolonization is constantly evacuated of its true meaning and intention, which results in the preservation of settler colonialism and consequent deferral of the repatriation of Indigenous land and life. It seems that one of the main contributions of “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor” has been its articulation of what decolonization is not: it is not a metaphor to be taken up within existing settler agendas for liberal, progressive, or radical politics that do not challenge ongoing settler colonialism. If settler-initiated projects do not advance the repatriation of Indigenous life and land, Tuck and Yang remind us, these projects cannot be called decolonial; they are nothing more than settler moves to innocence that keep colonial relations and settler privilege intact.[1]
Land Back
Radical Relationality
Path to a Decolonial World
See: The Red Deal | Land Back | Food Sovereignty | Climate Reparations | The Red Nation | UNDRIP
Era of the Water Protector
Decolonizing Fire Science
https://rsv.org.au/events/decolonising-fire-science/
Urgency of Decolonization
Climate Collapse
Resistance to Carbon Projects
A 2021 report published by the Indigenous Environmental Network found that
Total Indigenous resistance against these projects on Turtle Island — including ongoing struggles, victories against projects never completed, and infrastructure unfortunately in current operation — adds up to 1.8 billion metric tons CO2e, or roughly 28 percent the size of 2019 U.S. and Canadian pollution. Victories in infrastructure fights alone represent the carbon equivalent of 12 percent of annual U.S. and Canadian pollution, or 779 million metric tons CO2e.
Ongoing struggles equal 12 percent of these nations’ annual pollution, or 808 million metric tons CO2e. If these struggles prove successful, this would mean Indigenous resistance will have stopped greenhouse gas pollution equivalent to nearly one-quarter (24 percent) of annual total U.S. and Canadian emissions.
That 24 percent, equaling 1.587 billion metric tons CO2e, is the equivalent pollution of approximately 400 new coal-fired power plants — more than are still operating in the United States and Canadaa — or roughly 345 million passenger vehicles — more than all vehicles on the road in these countries.b Indigenous resistance has also contributed an outsized political impact, helping shift public debate around fossil fuels and Indigenous Rights and avoid lock-in of carbon-intensive projects. These impressive figures also underestimates total Indigenous resistance, since this report focuses on just the largest and most iconic projects.[2]
Sources
- ↑ Yazzie M, Risling Baldy C. Introduction: Indigenous peoples and the politics of water. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society. 2018;7(1):1-18. http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/19298692/v07i0001/1_i.xml.
- ↑ https://www.ienearth.org/irac-counting-up-the-impact/